The Rediff Special/Kuldip Nayar
Who can change the party's image is the real challenge before the Congress
One of India's leading political commentators reviews this week's developments in the Congress party.
The crisis of leadership has once again caught up with
the Congress party.
After the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, P V Narasimha Rao was first
a stop-gap arrangement and then a stable alternative to the feuding
satraps in the party. He was not tall but knew how not to
allow anyone grow tall. He would chop the head before it was seen.
Power and patronage also stood him in good stead.
The Congress defeat in the 1996 general election made him vulnerable. He thought
he would save himself by giving up the Congress presidentship
and nominating in his place his trusted man, Sitaram Kesri, the
party treasurer. Rao has learnt to his cost that politics knows
no trust. He has reportedly told his close associates that
he should have given up the leadership of the parliamentary party
and retained the Congress presidentship.
It is difficult to say whether he would have been able to save
his skin. The real issue is that the Congress is out of power and
Rao is being held responsible for it. Had he effected a coalition with
the United Front -- he was working for it -- he would not have
faced the humiliation of quitting on Kesri's orders.
The issue remains the same: How does the Congress enjoy power?
The flutter in the party, following Rao's exit this week, is primarily
because of its ambition to occupy a vantage position for the future.
Congressmen in the forefront believe that the leadership of the parliamentary
party is a ladder to climb to power, with the United Front if
possible, without it if necessary.
Vying for the leadership of the parliamentary party are Sharad Pawar,
Rajesh Pilot and Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy from the South. Kesri has
an advantage over others. Being the Congress president, he can
pull the party strings to muster support. But his disadvantage
is the growing opinion that the two posts, the Congress presidentship
and the parliamentary party's leadership, should not be held by
the same person.
Indira Gandhi had rejected the argument.
But then she had the clout of the prime ministership. Kesri has no
such clout except the fact that the Congress president allots
the party symbol to candidates in elections.
Youth is in Sharad Pawar's favour. Rao's loyalists have also
swung in his favour. Sharad's advantage is that he has the support
of those MPs who have not liked Kesri's zeal to bring old Congressmen
to the party's fold.
Pilot is there in the hope that Sharad will bargain with
him to get him on his side. Pilot is the only Congress Working
Committee member who opposed Kesri when his name was proposed
by Rao for the Congress presidentship. Vijay Bhaskar Reddy from Andhra
Pradesh expects to be a dark horse, hoping that the Congress MPs,
mostly from the southern states, will turn to him when the chips are
down.
Whether the election will take place on January 3 is doubtful. Most
Congress MPs do not want a division in their
ranks. The party has avoided it in the past. Even stalwarts like
Lal Bahadur Shastri and Morarji Desai managed to patch up their
differences. So why not now?
Kesri seems to be emerging as the consensus candidate. He is considered
more adept in the tactics that the party will require to come
to power. With Madhavrao Scindia's return to the party and
the proposed re-entry of Arjun Singh and N D Tewari, the Congress
will be near the 150 MP mark in the 545-member Lok Sabha.
Even if the 20 MPs of the Tamil Maanila Congress rejoin the party, the
170 MPs do not make half the number required for the formation
of a government.
Still, the Congress would like to be near the throne, if not on the
throne itself. The party realises that the United Front is no
pushover and it will not allow the Congress to form a government
easily. The alternative may be a coalition with the United
Front. Kesri is seen a better person to maneuver things than
anyone else.
The Congress realises it cannot push the United Front beyond
a point. Deve Gowda's trump card is a mid-term
poll. The Congress is not yet ready for that. Rao's removal helps
the Congress to some extent. But when most of the party's leaders
are seen to be involved in one scam or another, its image remains
sullied.
Who can change the party's image is the real challenge before the Congress.
The youthful Pawar does not enjoy a clean reputation. The party has yet to
find a leader who can take the Congress to the next election, if not to the seat of
power immediately.
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