For the AIADMK, winning the Srirangam by-election without Jayalalithaa campaigning for it, and having Panneerselvam as chief minister, is saying a lot in its favour. But again, a year and more is a long time in electoral politics in the country, and more so in Tamil Nadu, says N Sathiya Moorthy.
Alternating in power since the late 'eighties, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam have ensured that their nominee won, and won by a huge margin, in by-elections, almost all of them to the state assembly. The last time the ruling party lost a by-election in the state dates back to 1989.
It was thus that the ruling AIADMK’s victory in the Srirangam assembly by-poll was taken as done as soon as Chief Minister Jayalalithaa was disqualified by a criminal court in Bengaluru, hearing the disproportionate assets case against her, leading to the bypoll.
The interesting aspect of the AIADMK campaign is that neither Jayalalthaa, nor Chief Minister O Panneerselvam, campaigned in Srirangam.
However, the rest of the state cabinet, and almost all party officials, parliamentarians and MLAs had camped there for weeks, and undertook campaign operations with surgical precision.
Though victory for the AIADMK was a foregone conclusion, the cadres from across the state campaigning in Srirangam were confused if they should 'work' for a lead that could surpass that of ‘Amma’ or not.
The DMK could still argue, and ineffectually so, that their candidate did manage to get a few hundred votes more than what the party had obtained in the assembly segment during the equally disastrous Lok Sabha polls of 2014.
The much-hyped Bharatiya Janata Party's entry into the fray, projected as an emerging alternative to the two Dravidian majors, did not go anywhere. BJP nominee M Surbamaniam polled 5,015 votes, or around the party’s stand-alone state-level average of two per cent vote-share.
The BJP's solace came from the Communist Party of India-Marxist doing worse still, with only 1,919 votes.
What then is the ‘message’ from Srirangam?
The AIADMK would want the rest of the country to see it as a message from the state as a whole, in the light of Jayalalithaa’s pending appeal before the Karnataka high court, against the trial court conviction and consequent disqualification.
There is a greater message about the purported mood and method of the Tamil Nadu voters a year ahead of the assembly polls that are due in May 2016.
While the national polity, media and other stake-holders are fully tuned to the ‘Tamil Nadu model’ of winning by-elections, they have also acknowledged the decades-old pattern of the two Dravidian majors alternating in power.
That way, the Srirangam by-poll may have reiterated that the ‘Modi wave’ elsewhere cannot replace the DMK-AIADMK poll-time ‘sibling rivalry’ in the foreseeable future.
There is a lesson in this for the BJP, but the greater lesson is for the DMK.
In a way, the DMK cadres should be celebrating that their candidate did manage a third of the winner’s vote-share, and thus retained the security deposit -- which the BJP and the CPM lost.
It is still a reflection on the intra-party affairs in the DMK, with which the non-cadre, 'swing voters' in the state are not still happy.
While reorganising the party structure after the twin routs in the assembly polls (2011) and the parliamentary elections (2014), the party has retained some of the old guard at the district-level.
These worthies continue to block the promotion of youngsters in their place within the party structure. Nor do they accommodate party 'rivals' at the local level and their followers, with the result the leadership is unable to curb incessant infighting at all levels and in all places.
Outside, the presence and dominance of these one-time strong men in the districts when the DMK was in power, both at the Centre and in the state, has meant that the voter-disenchantment continues,
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