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What really ails the BJP?

Amberish K Diwanji in New Delhi

In war, it is but natural that men fall.

Sooner than later, every conflict, even the most minor ones, results in casualties. And mind you, there is nothing minor about the battle in BJP, where Hardliners are taking on Moderates.

Which probably is why the first to fall was one of the generals -- Madan Lal Khurana.

But what is this battle all about? Put the question officially to any BJP politician and he will scoff -- Battle? What battle? There is no battle going on. Like party vice-president and spokesman Krishan Lal Sharma did: "The media is creating stuff!" huffed he. "We are a huge party with many affiliates, who are all part of the Sangh Parivar. We do have differences of opinion. Unfortunately, these differences are blown out of proportion by the media which seeks to sensationalise reports."

Another politician, who preferred to remain unnamed, said the same thing: "There is only a difference of perception on various issues facing the country. Unlike other parties, we have true internal democracy and thus such views are aired."

All right, so be it officially. Let's try unofficially.

"The hardliners feel the BJP-led government is compromising on key issues that form the party's soul," was the reply from 'sources'. "And the moderates claim that the hardliners do not understand practical issues involved."

So there it is -- an admission at last with which you can approach BJP general secretary Sangha Priya Gautam. He is a more forthcoming gentleman.

"Those who hold hardline ideological views must learn to offer them and accept the possibility that their views may not become policy," he said. "We as a government have our limitations. The government always listens to the party's views, but it cannot implement every wish."

According to Gautam, "What the ideologues do not understand is that a government operates within a certain policy framework and that decisions are made within that framework. For instance, on insurance and patents, we are bound by the World Trade Organisation. We cannot withdraw from the WTO since we gain benefits by being part of it."

He cautioned that such criticisms would lead to an early demise of the government. "It is up to the coalition partners and the members of the Sangh Parivar to realise that this government is a minority government. Their actions can only help the opposition. We are ready to sit in the opposition again, but are our allies and affiliates ready for another government?"

Like Gautam, political analysts too feel the divergences in the BJP are serious. "This is not factionalism and groupism as is seen in the Congress," said a long-time BJP-watcher, "but differing perceptions that have to be properly reconciled."

Khurana's resignation, he continued, perhaps had more to do with personal grievances. "He may have used the discord to raise dust and get attention rather than seek to discuss the issues at stake," he said.

But he added, "The BJP's biggest weakness at present is that those who have a complaint are not properly heard until it is very late. A classic example is that of Shankersinh Vaghela, who like Khurana is an old RSS hand. He quit because of a feeling of neglect."

Another difficulty facing the party is the actions of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal, with the incidents in Gujarat and Orissa grabbing headlines across the world.

The analyst has an explanation for the upsurge in such violence: "The perception of groups like the VHP and RSS is that if the present BJP government is going to be just like another Congress government rather than one committed to implementing their agenda, they might as well go ahead with their own programme.

"After all, even an unfriendly BJP at the Centre is better than a Congress government. [ Prime Minister Atal Bihari] Vajpayee prefers a middle-of-the-road approach rather than antagonising anyone while [Home Minister L K] Advani is a good friend of Vajpayee."

A BJP member of Parliament, who belongs to the hardline brigade and who strongly opposed the government on the insurance and patents bills, had this to say about the internal discord: "We are upset that the government is not abiding by the [election] manifesto which clearly states the party's position on key subjects like insurance and patents."

But he dismissed any suggestion that the VHP and Bajrang Dal's actions have the BJP's sanction. "Our differences are on certain policy issues. Regarding the actions of the VHP and Bajrang Dal, let me start by saying that in Gujarat no one was killed, something no one has noticed, while everyone of us condemns the Orissa killings," he said.

The Gujarat and Orissa incidents have given the impression that Vajpayee and the BJP are unable to control the extremists in the Parivar. Yet, he said, the fact is that the government has taken appropriate measures after every incident of violence. For instance, after the Stains torching, the prime minister ordered an inquiry by a Supreme Court judge. Sadly, the media has failed to highlight these.

"People forget that the VHP and Bajrang Dal are not part of the BJP, and if they break the law the government does take action, regardless of who's involved," said Gautam, criticising the English press for "completely ignoring facts that show the BJP in good light".

But his counterparts in the VHP don't seem to be bothered what image their actions give the government. "Whether it is the BJP or any other party in power, we will do everything to awaken the Hindu people. We are not bothered which government is in power and will carry on with our work."

A reason for the hardliners' tough stand is that Vajpayee inducted Jaswant Singh and Mahajan, two leaders with whom the RSS doesn't see eye to eye, into his Cabinet.

"It is true that there is some opposition to certain policies of our governments," said K L Sharma, "but we have gone ahead with them nevertheless. For instance, the Congress, which pioneered liberalisation, lacked the guts to introduce the insurance bill because it knew some of its members would oppose it. The United Front introduced and then withdrew the bill. At least we have introduced the bill."

Now for the view from the other side.

"The government should have referred the bill to a select committee set up to examine it," claimed the hardline MP. "Yet, they have only sent it to the standing committee that has to look at so many bills. This is where the government is not being fair to the BJP."

The problem with the BJP today lies in its phenomenal growth in the post-rath yatra period. Prior to that, it was primarily a cadre-based party with most of its top leadership hailing from the RSS. The members were part of a close-knit organisation with similar thinking, often leading ascetic lifestyles.

"With much similarity among the members and leaders, decisions were easy to reach and implement," agreed Gautam. "Today, the party is full of diverse people with differing ideas. Hence, such unity of thought and action is no longer possible."

After 1990, the BJP's popularity surged and membership grew at an exponential rate. Many of the newcomers lacked the deep ideological commitment of the old-timers, seeking only a piece of the prize of power that lay ahead.

"The BJP has changed completely, and many of the newcomers chaff at RSS ideas. It is in these differences between the RSS with its old thinking and the newcomers with their different ideas that the root of the problems lies," concluded the analyst.

How soon the BJP can resolve its differences and dilemmas remains to be seen. Till then, for all its perceived and real ills, it will take recourse to the familiar line: "All these killings and the ensuing media focus are the result of an international conspiracy."

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