Whether it is the chopper deal, the Kurien case or the anti-rape ordinance, divisions in the Opposition ranks on these issues has eased the pressure on the UPA government, feels Sunita Moga
Before the current budget session of Parliament got underway, it was widely expected that the recent revelations about the purchase of the AgustaWestland VVIP choppers, the ongoing controversy over a 17-year-old rape case involving Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairperson P J Kurien and Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde’s remarks on Hindu terror would cast a shadow over the proceedings and result in a prolonged logjam.
Moreover, there were also fears that the ruling combine’s priority legislation -- the ordinance for anti-rape laws -- could be derailed because of objections from a section of Opposition parties.
But a week after the session commenced, all these fears have been put to rest, as both houses have been functioning smoothly. The government’s parliamentary managers are breathing easy as its assiduous efforts to ensure that the Opposition parties do not present a united front have paid off. Whether it is the chopper deal, the Kurien case or the anti-rape ordinance, divisions in the Opposition ranks on all these issues has eased the pressure on the UPA government.
Unlike the previous sessions when the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance and the Left parties worked in tandem to disrupt proceedings on the 2G spectrum scam or Coal-gate, these two parties are not on the same wavelength on several
key issues in this session.
This was demonstrated on Wednesday during the debate on the purchase of the AgustaWestland choppers in the Rajya Sabha when Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kamal Nath moved a motion to set up a Joint Parliamentary Committee to probe the charges of illegal pay-offs in the purchase of the helicopters.
Ironically, the BJP-led NDA which disrupted a whole session two years ago to press its demand for a JPC on the 2G spectrum scam, opposed the motion and walked out in protest on the plea that a JPC was an “exercise in futility” and was only meant to deflect attention from the real issue.
Besides its allies, the BJP was also supported by the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, the Trinamool Congress, the Telugu Desam Party and the Communist Party of India. The UPA motion sailed through as the CPM broke ranks with its communist
partner and decided to join the JPC. The ruling combine’s outside supporters, the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party also gave their consent to the government’s proposal, paving the way for the adoption of the motion by the Rajya Sabha even though the UPA is in a minority in the Upper House.
This is indeed a rare instance when the government has taken the initiative for the constitution of a JPC. On earlier occasions, be it the JPC on 2G spectrum allocation, Bofors gun deal, the securities scam or the Harshad Mehta stock market scam, the government agreed to set up a JPC reluctantly and only after it was pushed to a corner by
an aggressive Opposition.
Having learnt a lesson from its experience on the 2G spectrum issue, the UPA government upstaged the BJP at the very outset as a confident Kamal Nath volunteered to constitute a JPC even before the budget session had got underway. Subsequently, he worked behind-the-scenes to persuade
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