The Rediff Special /Robin Raphel

Both India and Pakistan are under strong domestic political pressure not to been seen as giving in to the other

The United States has not supported any group or individual in the Afghan conflict, believing strongly that it is up to Afghans themselves to choose their preferred from of government and their leadership. We are continuing our contacts with all Afghan groups, urging them to work together to restore peace to their country and to observe the rule of law. We have urged the Taliban specifically to reassure their northern neighbours of their peaceful intentions and to restore girls's education and permit women to work.

We believe other outside powers genuinely interested in peace in Afghanistan should do the same and we are disturbed by persistent and credible reports that supplies of arms are flowing into Afghanistan from neighbouring countries. Such activity can only prolong the fighting. The United States declared a unilateral arms embargo against Afghanistan last June.

Beyond Afghanistan, our major security concern in South Asia remains the continuing tension between India and Pakistan and the nuclear and ballistic missile programs it has generated. While the threat of war has receded considerably in the last two decades, relations between these two nations have been in a stagnated state for many years. India and Pakistan still tend to view international affairs, including relations with the United States, as a zero sum game. Both governments are under strong domestic political pressure not to been seen as giving in to the other. Outsiders may see South Asian countries's fears of their neighbors as overblown. However, both India and Pakistan believe they face severe threats to their national security from neighbouring states.

The core issue dividing India and Pakistan -- Kashmir -- is complex and deep-seated. The United States continues to believe that the Kashmir issue must be resolved through negotiations between Pakistan and India, taking into account the interests and desires of the people of Kashmir. While elections last fall in the Indian state of Kashmir will not resolve the dispute, they do provide an opportunity to begin a real dialogue between the Indian government and the Kashmiri people. We hope India and the Kashmiris will take full advantage of that opportunity.

An important part of the South Asian landscape is our concern about active nuclear weapon and ballistic missile programs in India and Pakistan that have the potential to destabilise the subcontinent. We recognise that this issue is central to the national security calculations of both nations and cannot be separated from regional political discourse and democratic development. In the end, both countries will change course only if they believe doing so enhances their security.

For our part, we are convinced that supporting global nonproliferation agreements like the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, and a convention to ban the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons offer India and Pakistan meaningful steps by which to enhance their security. In the near term, we also urge both countries not to test a nuclear device, be the first to deploy ballistic missiles or take any other escalatory steps in these programs which would raise regional tensions.

We were encouraged by Pakistani Prime Minister Sharief's early call for senior-level talks with India, and by the Indian government's positive response. We understand New Delhi and Islamabad are now making arrangements for a meeting of their foreign secretaries beginning on March 28. We and many other well-wishers hope both countries will take full advantage of this opportunity to resume a serious high-level dialogue. Without regular communication, there can be no enduring trust. The agenda for potentially productive negotiations is immense.

The tensions between India and Pakistan hold both of them back from achieving the longer term peace, wealth, and status they deserve. For India and Pakistan, building a mature, thoughtful dialogue will take patience, increasingly confident leaderships, and the political will and imagination to look ahead instead of backwards. Modified slightly, this prescription can be applied to many of the other security problems in South Asia. Closer relations with each of the countries in the region can help this process, and we will develop and nurture those relations as best we can in the months and years ahead.

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